By Julia Dimon
Monday, February 20, 2006
It's election fever in Kampala as locals prepare for the country's first multi-party presidential elections in two decades. With only four days before voters decide the next Ugandan president, the scene in the capital city is electric. a convoy of Boda-Bodas, young men on taxi-motorbikes, rip through the streets. They cheer, blow blue whistles and flash peace signs, a hand signal associated with opposition leader Kiiza Besigye. Posters of smiling presidential candidates litter the city; stick to dilapidated public mini-vans and dangle from trees like Christmas tinsel.
Five parties compete for presidency: Nasser Ssebagala (Independent), abed Bwanika (Independent), Ssebaana Kizito (DP Party), Miria Obote (UPC Party), Kiiza Besigye (FDC Party) and Yoweri Museveni (NRM Party), incumbent President and leader of the National Resistance Movement.
Museveni has been president of Uganda since 1986. Though poised to abdicate power after completing his second-term, this ex-guerrilla fighter amended the constitution, removed limitations on presidential terms and, in the face of public disapproval, campaigned for a third term.
Museveni's main opposition is FDC leader Kiiza Besigye, a charismatic ex-colonel who served as Museveni's personal physician in the early 1980s.
This year's election is not the first time the two candidates have battled for presidency. In 2001, Museveni won with 69.3% of the votes. an outraged Besigye, cried foul and appealed to the Supreme Court. according to independent newspaper The Daily Monitor, "all five judges agreed the polls were marred by rigging and irregularities in favour of President Yoweri Museveni...such irregularities did not warrant a nullification of the results."
Re-match 2006. The presidential campaign unfolds as a swamp of low-blow tactics, gossip and dirty politics. Over several months, the Museveni-led government charged Besigye with treason, terrorism and rape. During his campaign, Besigye was arrested and forced to stand trial. With inconsistent testimony, salacious accusations and missing evidence, many Ugandans saw this rape charge as a transparent, politically motivated attempt to eliminate the opposition.
Yusuf, a 23-year-old Economics student at Makere University, believes that "the government made up lies to ruin Besigye's campaign and stop him from winning." Over lunch, I ask him who he plans to vote for. He pauses, scans the crowded fast-food restaurant and mouths "Besigye."
I ask Yusuf what Besigye would do for Uganda. He talks vaguely about road infrastructure. as I interview local Ugandans about the upcoming election, one thing becomes apparent: few voters seem concerned with the manifestos of their preferred candidate. In this high-stakes popularity contest, a voter's pick for president is based on personality not platform.
For those who support Besigye, "change" is the operative word. "after 20 years, it's time for Museveni to go...the people need a change," concludes Yusuf.
Though he admits that Museveni has done good things for Uganda, he complains that this current government is flawed. according to Yussuf, Museveni is guilty of corruption; ruling along tribal lines, not delivering on promises and failing the war in the North. This 18-year conflict between Lord's Resistance army (LRa) and government forces has seen many lives lost and some two million people displaced.
"It's easy to criticize the current government but can Besigye do better?" another student, dressed proudly in a yellow NRM t-shirt, argues. "Museveni has transformed Uganda, made it safe, introduced Universal Primary Education, reduced the HIV infection rate and developed foreign investment. It's better to elect someone you know," he said, shooting me the thumbs-up signal associated with the party. "Museveni will win, legitimately or not."
after the controversial election in 2001, independent groups like the Electoral Commission are taking steps to secure votes. Local and international observers will be positioned around the country, supervising the 20,000 polling stations. "Our job is to support locally-based monitoring groups on election day," says Max Doherty, a volunteer election observer from London. "We act as deterrents. We don't stop election rigging, we report it," he explains. Though Doherty is optimistic about ballot integrity, Human Rights Watch, a non-governmental organization based in New York, claims that the upcoming presidential election is "unlikely to be free and fair."
a recent HRW briefing documents the "ntimidation and assault of opposition supporters...as well as harassment by security forces....the same security forces being recruited to supplement the police in supervising polling stations."
as the February 23rd election date approaches, outbreaks of violence pepper Kampala. Last week, three were killed by a soldier who opened fire into a crowd of Besigye supporters. Concerned for their safety, ex-pats flee the city and business owners bolt their doors. The air is thick with anticipation as citizens prepare to decide Uganda's future president.
Pursuant to Title 17 U.S.C. 107, other copyrighted work is provided for educational purposes, research, critical comment, or debate without profit or payment. If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for your own purposes beyond the 'fair use' exception, you must obtain permission from the copyright owner. Views are those of authors and not necessarily those of Canada Free Press. Content is Copyright 1997-2024 the individual authors. Site Copyright 1997-2024 Canada Free Press.Com Privacy Statement